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  • Barrow City diventa Utqiaġvik.

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    11 Comentârs → on Barrow City diventa Utqiaġvik.

    Poco più di un anno fa la montagna più alta dell’Alaska, che è anche la montagna più alta degli Stati Uniti, tornò a chiamarsi ufficialmente Denali. La decisione fu presa dal presidente Barack Obama in persona poco prima di una sua visita allo stato del nord, ma in realtà l’amministrazione statale dell’Alaska aveva già iniziato anni prima a non fare più uso del nome imposto dai colonizzatori: Mount Mc Kinley.

    La settimana scorsa una consulta referendaria vinta con soli sei voti di scarto ha mandato in soffitta anche «Barrow City», nome dal vago sapore colonialista di una ridente cittadina dell’Alaska. Anzi: della città  più a nord degli Stati Uniti. D’ora innanzi, su proposta iniziale di un consigliere comunale, tornerà a chiamarsi Utqiaġvik, nome originale in lingua inupiaq.

    Mentre il luogo è abitato dagli Iñupiat da circa 1500 anni, il nome Barrow, riferito all’ammiraglio Sir John Barrow, risaliva al 19° secolo.

    Speriamo ovviamente che il nostro assessore alla «cultura», Christian Tommasini (PD), non si accorga di nulla. Lui avrebbe certamente preferito il toponimo inglese.

    Vedi anche: 01 02 03 04 05 || 01



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  • Sarà abbattuta la casa di Hitler.

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    0 Comentârs → on Sarà abbattuta la casa di Hitler.

    Poche settimane fa il governo austriaco aveva deciso di procedere all’esproprio della casa natale del cosiddetto Führer, sita nella cittadina di Braunau, al confine con la Baviera.

    Già da anni la repubblica si era occupata dell’edificio, dovendo però pagare un regolare affitto alla propietaria e senza tuttavia poter intervenire fisicamente sulla struttura, sottoposta a vincolo di tutela.

    Da nuovo proprietario lo stato è ora invece riuscito a far valere le proprie ragioni, per cui entro breve si procederà al totale abbattimento dell’edificio. Al suo posto sarà eretta una nuova costruzione, dalle sembianze completamente diverse, che in seguito verrà messa a disposizione della pubblica amministrazione o di un’organizzazione sociale. Lo ha comunicato il ministro degli interni Wolfgang Sobotka (ÖVP).

    La decisione è stata presa per evitare che il luogo di nascita di Adolf Hitler possa fungere da meta di pellegrinaggio per i nostalgici del regime nazista.

    Aggiornamento del 5 settembre 2020: L’abbattimento non è mai stato eseguito. Nel frattempo si è deciso di trasformare l’edificio in un posto di polizia. Ci si aspetta che ciò possa fungere da deterrente.



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  • The Restoration of Minority Toponyms.

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    3 Comentârs → on The Restoration of Minority Toponyms.

    In my former post I cited some relevant paragraphs contained in the United Nations’ Manual for the standardization of geographical names , in order to give an understanding of how toponymy is generally considered by the international scientific community. However, there are more specific views about the situation in South Tyrol, which can be found in the Training Course on Toponymy forming part of the “documents and literature” of the United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names (UNGEGN) and which I’d like to publish here:

    In the northern part of Italy, up in the Alps, is the region of South Tyrol. It is a strategic region as it controls the mountain passes onto Vienna and Germany. It belonged to the Austrian Empire, but when Austria lost the First World War Italy annexed it. It had been a German-speaking area for over a thousand years, but the Italians next imposed their language on the area. In the middle of the capital Bozen or Bolzano they erected a triumphal arch with the Latin text on it: “We have brought culture to the barbarians”. And from one day to another they changed the place names. As a matter of fact they changed all names, they even changed family names and names on tombstones in cemeteries. They did so because they did know the power of names. In figure 1 [not shown here, ed.] you will see names like Sterzing, Wiesen, Deutschhaus (or Lichtenberg, Schlanders and Laas). These names have connotations of German dishes like Bratwurst, or Schinken or roasted chestnut. The figure is taken from an Italian map made of this Austrian area before the First World War.

    In figure 2 [not shown here, ed.] you will see exactly the same area, but instead of Sterzing, Wiesen and Deutschhaus (Lichtenberg, Schlanders and Laas) the map bears the names Vipiteno, Prato and La Commenda (or Montechiaro, Silandro and Lasa) for the same localities. And these names bring memories of Italian dishes like pasta and prosciutto con melone. But, more important, these names on the map make the area look like an Italian area. That is the power of names. Naming things conveys power to the one who bestows the names! A comparison of figures 1 and 2 will show that it is indeed the same area. Imagine that from one day to another your hometown and the street on which you live would be re-baptized and receive a name in a foreign language! In 1945 South Tyrol was again assigned to Italy by the Allied forces, on the condition that it would respect the German culture and language of the area. Well, place names are part of the language and of culture, but up till now no German place names have entered any official Italian maps of South Tyrol. There is only one commercial publisher, the Italian Touring Club, which publishes atlases and maps with bilingual names for the area. It does so either because it wants to reflect the local situation that has bilingual road signs now, or because it also publishes the maps for a German-speaking clientele.

    The use of names on maps is nearly as important as the use of boundaries. Naming things conveys power to the one who bestows the name. Reversely, if one is in control over something one can name it: one’s children or one’s house. Italian names show they have been bestowed by Italians, they show Italian sovereign rights. So if names are in Italian, it is an Italian region. Vice versa, if it is part of Italy, it should have Italian names. That is the reasoning, at least. It is the reasoning of nationalism, a very important force, last century, in Western Europe. As topographic mapping is considered to be some sort of sovereign right, just like taking censuses, and as topographic mapping is usually performed by the state’s civil servants, there is a tendency for minority language toponyms to be represented on the map in some transformed way, adapted to the state languages or to the raison d’etat, that is to reasons of state.

    From the cultural viewpoint it should be a nation’s prerogative to preserve the cultural heritage of its population, its minority language population included. Toponyms are parts of this cultural heritage and should therefore be preserved in their minority language versions. The national authorities should also act as a go-between and allow foreign cultural communities to take cognisance of its minority language communities, toponyms included. By paying taxes the members of minority language communities share in the costs of national topographic surveys and the production of topographic maps. They should have the right therefore to see their home area represented on these maps as they know it, and not disguised in an unfamiliar onomastical cloak.

    Based on this European experience a package of measures has been established that should ensure the restoration of minority toponyms: it consists of the following steps

    a) Delimitation of minority language area boundaries
    b) Introduction of bilingual transitional periods on the map: so after a majority names edition a bilingual edition is published which precedes a monolingual minority language edition
    c) Official restoration of minority language name versions
    d) Exclusive minority language rendering
    e) Accompanied by the rendering of marginal information also in minority language

    In Europe we have developed the feeling that recognition of their language and culture is an important contribution to the strengthening of the identity of minority language communities. The official use of their toponyms in the minority language is part of that recognition. The rendering of toponyms on maps might seem an insignificant aspect of this official recognition, but it should be stressed that these names often are the first and only representation by which the minority language community can manifest itself to outsiders. The acknowledgement of minority language toponyms on the map can be considered as an official recognition and acceptance of the minority language community.

    A national state is nowadays considered responsible for the cultural heritage of all minority language communities, and minority language names also belong to this cultural heritage.

    in Ferjan Ormeling, Jörn Sievers and Hans Stabe (eds.), Training Course on Toponymy, Enschede, Frankfurt and Berlin 2002.

    See also: 01 02 03 04 05



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  • Toponymy: What do the United Nations say?

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    1 Comentâr → on Toponymy: What do the United Nations say?

    Few days ago, we were confronted with the incredibly reactionary call made by mainly — but not exclusively — italian linguists and professors, aimed at maintaining the complete toponymic “patrimony” artificially translated and imposed to South Tyrolean places during fascism. In return, we are now publishing some pertinent excerpts from the Manual for the standardization of geographical names edited by the United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names (UNGEGN). This can be useful to understand, directly or allusively, what place names are and how they should be treated, according to this international scientific board.

    The types of information needed when names problems and proposals are being considered are:

    (a) Current local oral usage, its amount and extent;
    (b) Current and historical usage on maps and in official documents;
    (c) Circumstances of naming;
    (d) Name duplication within the area;
    (e) Offensive or derogatory word(s) in a name;
    (f) Name length and acceptability;
    (g) Regional government and advisory committee recommendations;
    (h) Social, cultural and political concerns;
    (i) Clear application of the name to a feature/area.

    A newly organized authority needs to consider two basic questions when establishing official standard names.

    The first concerns the basis on which names are selected for standardization. It is possible, for example, to choose names arbitrarily without reference to existing usage. However, this procedure is not recommended because it would introduce conflict and confusion into the naming process by creating two naming systems in a country: one based on local usage and the other on government usage. Instead, it is recommended that precedence be given to those names in established local/public use. It is good policy to integrate administrative and academic judgements with the preferences of local people. Exceptions will occur when particular names cannot be adopted because of conflict with other principles or policies, or when public/local usage is variable or ephemeral.

    The second question relates to the meaning and purpose of names standardization. Univocity, the principle whereby one standard name is assigned to each geographical entity (place, feature or area) at any point in time, represents the ideal toponymic standardization. Every effort should be made to adhere to that principle so as to avoid ambiguity. It can sometimes be difficult to achieve this one name/one feature ideal, especially in multilingual areas where name usage is divided along language lines. In those cases, the names authority could:

    (a) Choose only one name, based on specific criteria, as the official form;
    (b) Recognize and make available for use in other languages, one or more names (that is to say allonyms […]), not equal to the official form in rank, but chosen for use in specified contexts; or
    (c) Choose two or more forms as official on an equal basis (multiple names would thus most likely be shown on maps where scale permitted) […].

    A national authority may adopt more than one official name for a geographical entity. It is suggested, however, that one of the names be recommended for international usage.

    The best procedure seems to lie between standardizing names one at a time and standardizing large numbers of names at one time. For example, established nationally known names found on official maps can be standardized as a group, and local names and the names of minor features can be collected, reported, researched and standardized individually.

    The latter paragraph shows there obviously is a notion of “local names and … names of minor features”, something to which is often referred to as “micro toponymy” in South Tyrol.

    A good researcher will attempt to gain a full understanding of the nature of each name being considered by reviewing the:

    (a) Toponymic history of the geographical entity involved;
    (b) Languages involved and their written forms;
    (c) Sources of all variant names and spellings;
    (d) Special ethnic, cultural and political interests;
    (e) Local usage and local preferences;
    (f) Degree and reliability of name usage;
    (g) Options with regard to standardization.

    Translation can be employed as a method of names conversion only if the source toponym, wholly or in part, has semantic or lexical meaning, in other words, only if it can be found in an ordinary dictionary.

    When is translation resorted to in names conversion? Chiefly when the toponym includes a “translateable” generic term. Naturally, toponyms are often translated when one deals with topographic features outside one’s own linguistic region.

    Underlinings by .



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  • Wallonien stimmt gegen CETA.

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    43 Comentârs → on Wallonien stimmt gegen CETA.

    Das Freihandelsabkommen zwischen der Europäischen Union und Kanada (CETA) steht auf der Kippe, weil Wallonien seine Zustimmung zur umstrittenen Vereinbarung verweigert. Am vergangenen Donnerstag Abend stimmte das Regionalparlament mit deutlicher Mehrheit entsprechend ab und sprach sich gleichzeitig für eine Neuverhandlung aus.

    Damit Belgien CETA unterzeichnen kann, ist es auf die Zustimmung von Wallonien, Flandern, Brüssel und der Deutschsprachigen Gemeinschaft (DG) angewiesen. Obschon sie formell zur Region Wallonien gehört, hat die DG mit rund 75.000 EinwohnerInnen ein eigenes Parlament, das auch für den Außenhandel zuständig ist.

    Im Zusammenhang mit der Südtirolautonomie wird (vor allem letzthin) öfter der Begriff der »inneren Selbstbestimmung« bemüht. Wenn sich aber unser Landtag gegen CETA aussprechen würde, hätte dies weder für das Zustandekommen des Abkommens als Ganzes, noch für seine Auswirkungen aus Südtirol konkrete Folgen.

    Siehe auch: 01 02



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  • Medienkampagnen: Wann kommt die Rüge?

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    0 Comentârs → on Medienkampagnen: Wann kommt die Rüge?

    In seinem heutigen Leitartikel, den er der Übernahme seines Blattes durch das Haus Athesia widmet, brüstet sich AA-Chefredakteur Alberto Faustini mit den erfolgreichen »Kampagnen« seiner Zeitung:

    A dimostrarlo, c’è la piazza di carta che abbiamo costruito insieme, con le pagine delle lettere e con le tante campagne che abbiamo fatto (e vinto, perdonate la presunzione) in questi ultimi anni.

    — Alberto Faustini

    Dabei ist es nicht die Aufgabe einer Zeitung, Kampagnen zu fahren — die in diesem Fall zudem häufig in die ethnische Hetze abdriften. Damit wird viel kaputt gemacht, was sich in diesem Land an friedlichem Zusammenleben und gegenseitigem Verständnis entwickeln könnte.

    Zum Vergleich: Der Deutsche Journalistenverband (DJV) verurteilte 2015 eine Kampagne der Bildzeitung gegen »die Griechen« unter anderem mit folgenden Worten:

    Eine Kampagne, die direkten Einfluss auf politische Entscheidungen nehmen wolle, verbiete sich aber mit der beschreibenden Aufgabe des Journalismus.

    Pressemitteilung des DJV

    Werden wir jetzt, wo selbst der Chefredakteur unumwunden zugibt, Kampagnen zu fahren, endlich erleben, dass die regionale Journalistenkammer auch einmal eine Rüge gegen den AA ausspricht?

    Siehe auch: 01 02 03 04 05



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  • QoG: Korruptionsindex Europa regional.

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    0 Comentârs → on QoG: Korruptionsindex Europa regional.

    Der European Quality of Government Index (EQI) ist eine Erhebung des Quality of Government Institute (QoG) der Universität Göteborg und wurde in den Jahren 2010 und 2013 mittels Befragung von 85.000 Bürgerinnen in 206 europäischen Regionen durchgeführt. Das Projekt wird von der Europäischen Union finanziert und ist Teil von ANTICORRP, einem Forschungsnetzwerk zur Korruptionsbekämpfung.

    Die hier wiedergegebenen Daten beziehen sich auf das Gesamtergebnis Korruption (ein aggregierter Wert aus den fünf Bestandteilen Fremdeinschätzung Korruption, Eigenerfahrung Bestechung, Korruption im Bildungssystem, Korruption im Gesundheitswesen und Polizeikorruption) im Jahr 2013:

    QoG: Korruptionsindex regional.

    Grafik zum Vergrößern anklicken.

    Zum guten Abschneiden unseres Landes muss relativierend festgehalten werden, dass Südtirols Wert zwischen 2010 (1,1140) und 2013 (0,8825) geradezu eingebrochen ist.

    Siehe auch: 01 02 03 04 05



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  • Wer das Geld hat, entscheidet.
    Quotation

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    1 Comentâr → on Wer das Geld hat, entscheidet.
    Quotation

    Warum sollten wir vor dieser Reform Angst haben? Wir haben den größten Haushalt der Geschichte. Entscheiden tut immer noch der, der das Geld hat.

    Stefan Pan, Präsident des Unternehmerverbandes, in ff 41 vom 13. Oktober 2016, bezüglich der Verfassungsreform von Matteo Renzi (PD)

    Nun, mal ganz davon abgesehen, dass wir nicht den größten Haushalt der Geschichte haben, weil davon noch knapp eine halbe Milliarde für den Staat abgezogen werden muss, ist diese Aussage ein ausgesprochener Blödsinn.

    Katalonien hat — verhältnismäßig — deutlich geringere finanzielle Mittel als Südtirol, kann aber in sehr vielen Bereichen mehr entscheiden.

    Grundsätzlich ist es doch so, dass es relativ unerheblich ist, ob das Geld von Land, Staat oder Gemeinde kommt, wenn das Land (oder die Gemeinde) selbst festlegen kann, wo, wie und nach welchen Kriterien es einzusetzen ist. Schon heute darf das Land sein eigenes Geld nicht so ausgeben, wie es möchte, weil der Staat die einschlägigen Gesetze macht, Schuldenbremsen einbaut, Einstellungsstopps verordnet, Verbote ausspricht. Erstaunlich, dass Herr Pan das nicht weiß (oder nicht wissen will) — nachdem Premier Monti vorgemacht hat, welche Palette an Möglichkeiten dem Zentralstaat zur Verfügung steht.

    In Zukunft könnte sich diese Situation noch verschärfen, wenn die Verfassungsreform von Matteo Renzi (PD) am 4. Dezember vom Souverän nicht verworfen wird.

    Siehe auch: 01 02 03



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